The Memoirs

Family Events : 1 590-1 605

At the end of 1590 some very sad news reached us for my mother Dame Magdeleine Chavalier, Mile de la Borde, died on the last day of December in that year. She had suffered much from the cruelty of the times for her house at Esprunes had been pillaged more than once. After she had lain ill at Melun for four months she had herself carried to her house at Vignau where she rendered her soul to God. She had never professed herself a protestant but she was not ignorant that there were many abuses in the Roman Church and she would gladly have seen it reformed. She left two executors to her will, M. Guy Arbaleste, sieur de la Borde who is my eldest brother, and M. Pierre Morin de Paroi, the late Chancellor de L'Hospital's brother-in-law. She left 600 crowns to my daughter, Susanne de Pas, in memory of the days when she had had charge of the child. Four months later our sorrow was grievously renewed by the death of Dame Francoise de Bee, Mile de Buhy, M. du Plessis' mother, who loved us all dearly. Up to her last breath she showed her zeal and love for our religion. She was assisted on her death-bed by M. du Buisson, a minister of the Gospel, who is also known by the name of Viau. He has often testified that he never met anyone who was more willing to leave this world or more assured of salvation in Jesus Christ. Her death obliged us to send to Mantes to fetch our youngest child, Anne, which involved a most perilous journey. This daughter of ours had been brought up by my mother-in-law who V loved her dearly up to her last breath. She left her a legacy as well as one to my son. Her body was taken to

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Buhy to be buried by the side of her husband. Our tears at her loss are not dried even at the date I write, and I pray God keep the rest of the family in His mercy. . . . During the siege of Rouen in 1591 M. du Plessis was sent over to England. The reason for this journey was as follows. The King sometime previously had recruited four thousand foot-soldiers in England all of whom were stricken with sickness owing to the postponement of the siege till winter had set in. His Majesty had warning that the Duke of Parma and the Spaniards were on their way and thought it would be impossible to carry on the siege as well as meet them in the field if the army was not reinforced with infantry. In any case he had need of foot-soldiers to carry out the assault on the town, for up to this time he had got no further than Fort St Catherine just for lack of men. He determined therefore to beg the Queen of England for further assistance and selected M. du Plessis for the mission. M. du Plessis did what he could to excuse himself not omitting to point out to the King that the threads of the treaty of peace might be broken through his absence, but it was all in vain. The King had the success of the siege very much at heart and reckoned that the journey would occupy much less time than was possible. M. du Plessis set out from Rouen on the last day of December, embarked at Dieppe and reached England on New Year's Day 1592. He was well received and had the great pleasure of meeting his old friends once again. But the negotiation proved inconceivably difficult although the chief nobles owned that his requests were most reasonable, necessary, dangerous to refuse and if they were refused would bring ruin on the King of France and imperil themselves. But no arguments could move the Queen from her determination that no more soldiers should go to France for she feared that their dispatch would furnish the Earl of Essex, Commander of the English troops, with an excuse for staying abroad. She, on the contrary, was trying, at any cost, to get him back, by bribes, by

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persuasion, by threats of disgrace, all because he was the person she loved best in the whole world and for whom she most dreaded danger. This was the true reason of her refusals and delays although she gave others such as the small regard in which her advice and her troops had been held because Rouen had not been besieged earlier in the year. In short M. du Plessis found the only possible cure for he knew what the true malady was. He replied to all the Queen's avowed reasons for her refusal while at the same time he persuaded the King to apply the only possible remedy, to wit, pacifying her by sending the Earl home to England. Once this was done reinforcements were at once embarked although it is very true that they would have been of much greater use if they had been sent sooner. This journey took six weeks, three of which were spent at Dover waiting for a favourable wind.

During his stay in England the quarrel with the puritans (as those who abhorred the ceremonies retained in the English Church were called) came to its height. Certain people so excited the Queen's feelings against them that she actually meditated starting a persecution. The Bishop of Winchester, one Thomas Cooper, grand almoner to Her Majesty, discussed the matters in dispute with M. du Plessis. M. du Plessis did much to soften the bishop's anger by insisting that we should bear with our brother in matters of indifference to the extreme length to which charity bade us go, so long as we did nothing to prejudice our faith. Even after M. du Plessis had returned to France the bishop wrote to him on the subject and sent him the thirty-nine articles of the Church of England set out in sixteen tables. They were accompanied by several books written both for and against these articles and the bishop begged M. du Plessis to give an opinion on the whole question. A paper of some length, written in latin, can be seen among M. du Plessis' papers although he excused himself from writing more amply because the fighting was getting lively.

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It looked as if his letter bore fruit for soon after this the puritans were left alone again. . . .

On his return to Saumur, 1592, M. du Plessis was extremely pleased to find the temple, had nearlyreached completion during his absence, owing to my continual efforts, and without costing the church in Saumur a farthing. He had previously been obliged to pull down the buildings where the preachings used to be held, and had hired the city tennis court at a rent of one crown and a half for each service, whilst the new building was being erected on a site specially bought for the purpose near the Pont du Bourg. He found the building so far advanced that very soon after his return the preachings were transferred to it. I may observe that this was not at all to the liking of his enemies because they had fully expected him to seize on one of the churches meant for the use of Roman Catholics, which could have been made an occasion for scandal and complaints. But instead of doing as they expected he had had the patience and the enterprise to build a new temple, altogether. He also found that the new town fortifications had not made less progress than the temple, during his absence, at any rate considering the small means at our disposal.

In 1594 the King made up his mind to make profession of the catholic faith, as every one knows. The views of M. du Plessis on the subject, which he expressed very freely, can be seen among his papers. In spite of this the King continued to urge M. du Plessis to come to court before the deputies from the churches met at Saumur, and he therefore decided to go to Chatres in September. His Majesty was just as friendly and told him all about his affairs just as freely as ever. Indeed he shut himself up in his chamber alone with M. du Plessis for three whole hours to tell him all that had happened and show him exactly what had moved him to take this step. The long and short of it all was that he had found himself on the very brink of a precipice through the

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intrigues of some of his own followers, whose names he mentioned, and saw that his only chance of escape lay in his conversion. But besides this he also said that the huguenots had not stood by him as they ought. However, he should always regard the reformed faith and those who professed it just as he had always done and he hoped God would have mercy on him. It was abundantly clear that he was filled with a belief which made his conduct excusable, namely, that the differences between the two faiths were only important because of the bitterness of the preachers, and that he believed that some day by his own authority he could settle the quarrel between them. M. du Plessis pointed out by plain reasoning that this could only be done by the establishment of the King's authority coupled with the abolition of the Pope's power in the Gallican Church. . . .

Early in 1596 M. du Plessis decided to make our principal home in the Castle of Saumur because he had been warned that some of the townspeople and other bad neighbours were plotting to seize him and make themselves masters of the castle. This move was most difficult and costly for the place was all in ruins. Some two months after our establishment there I began to suffer more acutely from my usual catarrh and I even feared the loss of my sight. I felt my eyes growing constantly weaker, although I saved them all I could as I always have done. I spared no remedy, living in constant terror lest I should be deprived of my only consolation in reading the Holy Scriptures. God will restore good sight to me if it is His will and if not He will Himself be my consolation through His Holy Spirit.

A General Synod of the churches was held in the springtime of this year at Saumur, in the hall of our lodgings in the Town Hall which we had retained for the use of our friends after we had moved into the Castle. M. de la Touche presided over it and many well-known people came to it, among others M. Merlin and M. de Serres.

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In 1597 M. de la Verrie presented himself as a suitor for our daughter de Martinsart (Susanne de Pas). He is a gentleman from Maine of good family and of moderate means. She was betrothed to him on the 6th June. Something was also said about our other daughters by M. de la Tr^moille and Mme de Rohan. Our chief wish is, God knows, that they should wed men brought up in His fear. Mme de Rohan spoke of a possible marriage between our son and the eldest daughter of the late M. de Chatillon, the late Admiral Coligny's son. She wrote to Mme de Chatillon on the subject and received a favourable answer.

Towards the end of July 1598, whilst the affair of St Phal was in progress, M. du Plessis published his book on the Institution of the Holy Eucharist. It is unbelievable how it upset people, especially the clergy. Some of his friends wanted him to print it anonymously, but, although he was well aware of the hatred he would excite, he considered that the book would be more widely read if he put his name to it and thereby would better serve to throw light on the truth. The Cardinal de Medici, at that time the Pope's Legate in France, who was on the eve of departure, took six copies with him to Italy. The Jesuits of Bordeaux demanded that the book should be forbidden and burnt by the Parlement of that town. They were told by M. Daffiz, the Premier President, that such things were no longer done but since they wished to defend the Fathers he advised them to write an answer to it. Whereupon the Jesuits divided the work between them so as to get through the labour. Boulenger, the King's almoner, attacked the preface with as much boldness as impudence and in order to discredit M. du Plessis declared most of the passages cited by him to be falsified. M. du Plessis wrote and printed his answer to this attack before he left Saumur. The most noise against it was made by the preachers from their pulpits, and especially by those of Paris during Lent, for in that city they never refrain from preaching sedition.

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There they did their utmost to excite the populace both against him and his book. In spite of them M. du Plessis used no circumspection in his talk while he was in Paris, just to show that he was quite ready to defend what he had written. In the matter of his citations from the Fathers which were said to be incorrect he offered to prove them within two days if the doctors and professors of Paris would draw up a list of the disputed passages. But they all excused themselves saying that they were prevented by certain rules and regulations and that the Bishop of Paris ■ had forbidden them to do any such thing. They went further than this, however, because at their prayer a letter came from Rome in which the Pope complained of the book whose author had dared, although he was one of the King's most intimate servants and councillors, to speak of the Pope as Antichrist. On this certain people pointed out the probable consequences to the King, chiefly because he had every reason to cultivate the Pope's goodwill both to unmarry him as well as to marry him again, matters which lay very close to the King's heart.

In spite of these representations His Majesty never said a word to him about it or showed him any less friendliness, although it may very well have been the reason why he employed him less frequently in his affairs. The only thing His Majesty said was that he was sorry he could not keep him as near to his person as he would have liked. The King sent M. de la Force, Captain of his Guards, a very accomplished gentleman and M. du Plessis' very good friend, to discuss the publication of his book with him. M. du Plessis' answer was that he had done nothing without full consideration and had been quite aware of the possible results of his action, but that the King could be his witness that he had always ordered his life for God's service first and then for his King's and his friends'. He was not ignorant that his behaviour might rob him of worldly honour nor should he have

1 Henri, Cardinal de Gondi.

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any reason to be surprised if it did, but God's word never failed him who gave honour to those who honoured God. Further, he had put his name to his book not from motives either of ambition or vanity, for the price paid for such things was too high, but solely that the truth might be more eagerly read and accepted. To conclude, if the King really intended, as was his duty, to cleanse the church from abuses it was time that the Truth was made known and His Majesty ought to be glad that the soil was tilled ready for the seed. He very affectionately begged M. de la Force to carry his answer back to the King.

.... [The year 1599 found M. du Plessis still at court having stayed on for the marriage of the King's sister to the Due de Bar.]

M. du Plessis took leave of His Majesty at Fontainebleau a few days before Easter to return to Saumur. Although the King's project for a marriage with the Duchess of Beaufort ' was nearly ripe yet not a word was said on the subject to M. du Plessis. On every other matter His Majesty spoke very intimately, keeping none of his other affairs hidden from him and treating him in the same way as he had always done. But although confidential in some matters the King never spoke of his love affairs to M. du Plessis, feeling he could not count on his approval. Before leaving court M. du Plessis obtained the King's consent to our son's going to Holland to learn how to serve his country. M. du Plessis did not ask for a commission because he wished to leave himself free to recall the boy at any time he liked. Our son started directly after the wedding of his sister, our eldest daughter, to Jean de Jaucourt, eldest son of the house of Villarnoul. * This wedding was celebrated at Saumur on April 14th, 1599. The family of Villarnoul was very well known in Burgundy as an old, well connected, and well born family but owing to its profession of the reformed religion as well as to the misery of the times it did not occupy any very important position. We had the happiness at this

1 Gabrielle d'Estrfes.

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same time of knowing that my younger brother (now M. de la Borde in place of my elder brother who was dead), had declared himself a professor of the true faith from which he had fallen in the year 1572 at the general scattering of our churches. It was a singular consolation to me to see the blessing of God re-enter our family through His Holy Word.

M. du Plessis had hardly reached home when the news of the Duchess of Beaufort's death reached us. It was truly a judgment of God in mercy to the King and Kingdom, who thus escaped the evil which all wise men foresaw and which no wisdom could avert. Some people urged M. du Plessis to write a letter of sympathy to His Majesty immediately the news came but he was unable to say anything which would please the King and yet would not outrage his own conscience. So he merely wrote to M. de Lomdnie 1 to inquire after His Majesty's health for he feared it might suffer through his

grief-

On the 29th September, Brouard, our tnaitre cChotel whom we had sent to accompany our son, returned from Holland to Saumur. He brought us news especially how our son had been at the siege of Dorcum with Count William of Nassau. The town ought to have been taken and the country thereby enlarged had it been God's will to leave it in our hands. On the 6th October M. du Plessis travelled by post to Paris. I was determined to follow him with all our household in spite of my usual ill-health. My son and daughter de la Verrie had already gone to their own home to look after their own affairs, mainly on account of an estate which my daughter had bought with the dowry we had given her on her marriage. They took their little son with them and left their daughter out at nurse near Saumur, where I could keep a watch over her. M. du Plessis followed the King to Fontainebleau so soon as he reached Paris. He noticed

1 Antoine de Lomenie, Seigneur de la Villeaux Clercs, 1560- 1638, Secretary to the King and later Secretary of State.

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a certain coldness in the King's manner which he put down to his regret that he could not treat him as he used to do for fear of giving offence to the catholic party. M. du Plessis made up his mind to take no notice of the change but to make at least one effort to secure some provision for our family. With this object in view I and all our household left home on the 1 2th Oct. and reached Paris on the 22nd. Our hope was that we might, without worry or delay, get our affairs finally settled, whilst God gave us life, so that we might leave our children some certain if small fruit from our past labours. As for settling at Court M. du Plessis neither intended nor wished to do so, and those who were jealous of his doing so did very wrong in stirring up ill-will against him instead of simply hastening his departure, as they could easily have done by expediting his business.1 Our son and daughter de Villarnoul accompanied us to Paris. Soon after we arrived our son came back from Holland for winter had put a stop to the war. He saw the King and told him all that had passed in Holland and His Majesty appeared to form a high opinion of him. Our expenses were very heavy with so large a household but they would have been still heavier if we had kept up two households ; besides it would have been very difficult for M. du Plessis to have looked after me if I had stayed on at Saumur for my frequent illnesses were a constant source of anxiety to him. Even on my way to Paris I had several attacks which made me think I might die. A few months after reaching Paris I fell very ill with an illness of the liver on the top of all my other troubles. I owe my recovery to M. Marescot, under God, who, contrary to the general custom, bled me and gave me instant relief. The King's chief doctor, M. de la Ribiere, had been to see me shortly before and had looked into my case, but he was not very attentive and moreover came but rarely, and so it chanced that when I was recovering from this last illness I took some of the pills he had given me (without further

1 This is aimed at M. de Rosny, later Due de Sully.

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advice). They had such an effect on the cause of the complaint that they brought on fainting fits in such quick succession that I was brought very near to death. As a result of this unfortunate occurrence he was sent for and came hurrying in. God turned it all for the best for not only did the doctor relieve my immediate ailment but he also from this moment made it a duty to attend to me. Indeed he so turned his mind on to my condition that he wrote a treatise describing the symptoms, the remedies and the proper diet which he gave to me. This treatise has been approved and admired by all the most learned doctors in the kingdom.

As a favour to M. du Plessis the King had made my son, de la Verrie, a gentleman-in-waiting and we now obtained a like favour for our son de Villarnoul. He was sworn in by the Marshal de Biron, first gentleman of the bedchamber, and began his service at once. Sometime after, when the edict for the pacification of Burgundy was to be put in force, the King appointed him as one of the Commissioners. This appointment took him into his own country in company with M. de Vole, maitre des requites. He did his work to the satisfaction of the King and Council as also of the churches.

M. du Plessis managed to do this much for our family but his credit was at a very low ebb as regards himself. It can be truthfully said that during his whole stay in Paris the King never employed him in any affairs of state although occasions offered. It was thought strange by even important men of the contrary religion that he was not included among those who were selected to carry through the negotiations with the Duke of Savoy over the Marquisate of Saluces. The presence of the Nuncio and the Patriarch in Paris, both of whom reiterated as occasion served the Pope's dislike of M. du Plessis, furnished the King with a reason for not employing him, but it would have been kinder to have asked him to absent himself for a time, and, so as to facilitate his withdrawal, to have hastened the settlement of the business which

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detained him in Paris. This business was the presentment of claims for money advanced by M. du Plessis for the King's service and allowed by the Chambre des Comptes of Paris. His sole duty was to sit on the Council, chiefly when questions arising from the Edict of Nantes came up for decision which for the most part were left for him and the Chancellor to settle without calling in further advice. The rest of his time he gave to our private affairs. M. de Rosny's harshness, alike in things just and unjust, was a constant annoyance to him. It was all the worse because the fact that M. de Rosny had married our niece ought to have made him more considerate, especially as he had succeeded to a post formerly held by M. du Plessis. But jealousy which has no foundation ignores all claims.

Very soon a change came over the King not only in regard to M. du Plessis, but to all who professed the reformed religion. His Majesty even took trouble gladly to turn the gentlemen in attendance on him from their faith, telling them plainly that he could do nothing for their advancement so long as they remained outside the Catholic Church.

[M. du Plessis remained entirely out of favour at Court. He busied himself with his governorship of Saumur, with his duties as surintendant of Navarre and, above all, with the affairs of the huguenot Church. His son, growing up, was fretting for employment. In 1605 his chance seemed at last to be coming. Henri IV's difficulties with the Duke of Bouillon (Turenne) made it advisable to conciliate such leaders of the huguenot party as du Plessis.]

In January 1605 a letter came from M. de Rosny to M. du Plessis. It summoned our son to Paris by the King's command, as a regiment was to be raised for service in the Low Countries to which he was to be appointed. The matter, however, was to be kept secret. M. du Plessis wrote to our son, who was in Paris, that he must present himself as soon as possible. His Majesty told

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him that he intended to raise three regiments in the spring of which he was to have one. Our son immediately began to think over those whom he should like to serve under him, and gentlemen and captains of the highest quality offered themselves on every side. But after all the scheme was given up. The Spanish ambassador protested that if anything of the sort was attempted his master would declare war on the very next day, while the Nuncio said that the Pope had guaranteed the peace, which he himself had made, between the two Kings. Moreover, just at this time Pope Clement VIII died. He was succeeded by the Cardinal of Florence, under the name of Leo IX,1 on whose election (unheard of in France hitherto !) fireworks were let off and salutes fired from the Arsenal. Leo IX lived but a few days, to the King's great grief, even to the shedding of tears. The election had cost him 300,000 francs in bribes to the cardinals. And being in great doubt of another pope who would favour him he gave up all thought of going to war. At this same time the Sieur de Martonie, a gentleman of Perigord, with whom we had been at law on the King's behalf, and whom we thought we had obliged in several ways, so far forgot himself as to challenge our son to a duel. All the authorities on duelling thought the Sieur de la Martonie behaved very ill. On the other hand, our son bore himself with so much discretion and frankness that His Majesty and all competent judges of such affairs, held that he had failed in nothing, neither in courage nor in good sense. In short, his antagonist was taken a prisoner to Fort l'Esveque by the King's command and was in danger of losing his head, while our son was only confined to his lodging and soon after set completely at liberty. While he was in confinement he was visited by a crowd of friends of both religions and of the highest quality. It seemed as if this occurrence, however unfortunate, was sent to show how highly the budding worth of this youth was already recognized. It was widely

1 Alexander di Medici.

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noticed, however, that, contrary to custom, our son was set at liberty, with leave to go where he would, without any formal reconciliation with his enemy. Some people thought it strange that we should be left with this thorn in our side. As for his antagonist the King granted him his life after a little while, ordering him, as a punishment, to serve for two years in Hungary against the Turk, which however he never did.

When our son saw that the levy of the three regiments came to nothing he determined to ask permission to offer himself for service in the Low Countries as a private person. The King willingly granted his request and, when he came to receive His Majesty's commands, spoke very kindly to him and gave him leave of absence to say good-bye to us. The truth is we were more willing he should start on this journey because we saw how he fretted at idleness, and that he was almost ready to die of chagrin whenever a chance of proving his worth escaped him. We had been quite afraid at the time of the siege of Ostend when we were obliged to keep him with us for really important matters. . . .

I left my poor son on the point of embarking at Dieppe on his way to the Low Countries. The two armies of Prince Maurice and the Marquis of Spinola passed the whole summer entrenched face to face, scarcely two hundred paces apart in places and daily saluting the dawn with their cannon, one before Sluys and the other before Bruges. But nothing else was done. My son was weary of inaction although he seized on every chance, however small, of risking himself. He fell so ill of a tertiary fever that his friends were alarmed. In September, weak though he was, he followed the army to Friesland whither Spinola had gone on leaving his entrenchments, and whither Prince Maurice had followed him. Spinola's first exploit was the taking of Olderzed, a small place ; then Linghen, a larger one where the people had shown great patience in holding out in the hope of succour, but which was poorly defended by the garrison. This

n/

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capture threatened Groningen, an important town. William of Nassau, governor of the province, threw his troops into it to relieve the siege, and our son, whom he held in great affection, went with him. On the 9th of October Prince Maurice left his camp with all his cavalry and part of his infantry to capture the cavalry of the Marquis of Trivulzio. As ill-luck would have it our son could not go with him, because two days previously, while chasing an enemy convoy, he had been hurt on the ankle by a kick from a horse he was leading. It set up a great bruise and inflammation and though he was determined to be carried on this expedition his friends would not let him go. The fight was very uncertain, death and flight on both sides, and while some won honour others only won disgrace. However much our son tried to hide his feelings in his letters, we could read between the lines how vexed he was to miss the very first affair of any importance. We could easily see that we should not see him home again until he had had another chance.

On the 22nd October, while he was still laid up with his hurt, news came that Prince Maurice intended to attack Geldern on the following night. Overjoyed at the prospect of a better action than the one he had missed, our son determined to take part in it, in spite of his lameness. To make sure of getting there he secured a place in the wagon which was loaded with the petards for the attack on the town. La Grise, who had been bred as a page by M. du Plessis, went with him. They came before Geldern on October 23rd at dawn of day. The curtain (of the town wall) was lit up with torches and the fire of arquebuses. This, however, did not deter them. The engineers advanced. Captain Sault led the first dozen men armed with pistols and cuirasses. Our son, who esteemed the Captain very highly, ranked himself as his soldier for that day and went with him at the head of the little troop. The first petard exploded at the first barrier but only blackened it. The second made an opening for them to get in, but not without some confusion, because

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the second petard had its font made specially for the town gate. As the engineer went back for the third he cried, " Make way " so as to leave himself room to pass. Some of the less bold thought he meant to shout " Retreat " and so left the position empty. Our son, at the edge of the town ditch, waved his sword and shouted to rally them, but at that very moment he was shot in the chest and, pierced to the heart, he fell without a sound. La Grise, who supported him, was struck by the same shot and was mortally wounded. Our son was borne away immediately by the rest in their retreat.

Happy end for him, born in the Church of God, nourished in His fear, noted for his worth while yet so young, lost in a righteous quarrel and in an honourable action. But for us the beginning of a sorrow which s/ can only end in death, with no other consolation but what the fear and the grace of God can give us while we chew the bitter cud of our grief. . . .

And here it is fitting that my book should end. It was written for him, to describe the pilgrimage of our lives, and now God has willed that his life should end so soon and so sweetly. And truly did I not fear M. du Plessis' grief, whose love for me grows as my sorrow grows, I would fain not survive him.

An Afterword

Du Plessis outlived his wife seventeen years, but he was not left either alone nor in idleness, as the very numerous letters written both by him and to him which have been preserved, abundantly prove. His daughters, his grandchildren and his great-grandchildren surrounded him with family affection and the protestant Churches held his name in honour to the end. For the first fifteen years after his wife's death he lived on at Saumur, whose governorship was the meagre reward of his years of devotion, but in 1621 even this was taken from him. The huguenots were once again at war, and though it is little likely that du Plessis' loyalty was doubted, yet Louis XIII. preferred to see the city in catholic hands. The old governor left his home for thirty years and went to end his days at his chateau of la Forest sur Sevre. His last days were described by his secretary in a tiny book, and the final glimpse of the old man can fittingly be seen through eyes no less admiring than those of the chronicler of his active years. Those who have so far followed the fortunes of a huguenot family may like to see them gathered together for the last time.

" By a premonition sent from God M. du Plessis wrote a codicil on the 14th Oct., in which for the peace of the family and for the edification of those who survived him, he explained his last wishes, but owing to various interruptions he was not able to sign the document before the 5th Nov. ' Now,' said he, when it was done, 1 I am freed from a great responsibility and there is nothing left for me to do but die.' And in fact he took to his bed the following day, sick of a continuous fever. The doctors warned us on Thursday the 9th of the month

AN AFTERWORD 287

that his condition was such that, humanly speaking, he would never rise again. God left him with us yet fortyeight hours which he so wholly devoted to thinking of his salvation that he scarcely heeded anything else. On this 9th Nov. Madame de Villarnoul, his eldest daughter, came to his bedside and asked if he would have a minister to speak words of comfort to him. The minister of the neighbouring church came, on her invitation, to warn him of his approaching end and to prepare him to submit to God's will. But it is worthy of note that the pastor was so troubled himself with the sad news that he blurted it out without that circumlocution which it is usual to employ on such occasions. M. du Plessis was in nowise disturbed, but with a countenance full of assurance replied : ' Is this truth ? I am content.' A little later his daughters and their husbands came about his bed. In a firm voice he gave his blessing to his daughters and his sons-in-law bidding them live in unity. Then praying God to confirm his benediction he blessed his grandchildren both present and absent, his nephew and his nephew's wife, his household and his servants, not forgetting his doctor who had always attended him faithfully and carefully in all his illnesses, even in this last one. He charged the pastor to write to Madame des Nozers, the late Madame du Plessis' daughter by her first marriage, a letter bearing his blessing to her and her whole family. Soon after he bethought him of Madame de L'Isle, daughter of Mme de Villarnoul, regretting that he could not see her and her children to bless them also. On those of his grandsons who had studied or were studying he called down the blessings of heaven above and the earth beneath. Many were the words he spoke, not only in his own tongue, but in Greek and Latin and Hebrew, quoting the Scriptures freely and sometimes Aristotle and Pindar. When Friday the 10th Nov. came he opened the day with the prayer, ' Domine aperi labia mea ut annunciem laudem tuam,' nor did he linger very long after this."

Mlle du Plessis' Letter to her Son Philippe de Mornay In Dedication of her Book My Son,

God is my witness that He filled me, even before your birth, with the hope that you would be born to be His servant, and in some measure this should be an earnest of His grace, and an admonition to you to do your duty. To this intent your father and I have laboured to bring you up in His fear, making you suckle it with your milk so far as lay in our power ; and furthermore to render you more apt we took pains to give you a good education. In this, thanks be to Him, we have met with fair success, so that you may not only live but may even be a light in His Church. Now when I behold you ready to set out to see the world for yourself, to learn the ways of men and the state of nations, not being able to follow you any longer with my eyes I shall still follow you with the same solicitude, and pray that the same teaching will also follow with you wheresoever you go, so that you may grow in the fear and love of God ; may gain profit from all things good through knowledge of Him ; may strengthen yourself in your vocation for His service to which He has called you ; and may repay by winning glory and honour for Him everything which He has given you hitherto or shall give you hereafter. It is His gift that you are born in His Church, a gift denied to so many nations and to so many great men. My son, give praise reverently for this privilege of being born a Christian. He willed you to be born in the full light of the Church, freed from the Kingdom of darkness, and from the tyranny of the Antichrist who has held so many nations in the mists of error for so many centuries. The great ones of the earth, the princes of this generation for the most part still lie in the mire. Therefore give praise once more with me for this mercy, for this special care which God showed you in that He freed you from this apostasy which has usurped His power over so many nations for so many long years. But you He caused to be born of a father whom He has chosen for His servant in these days now present, and who will continue

MLLE DU PLESSIS' LETTER 289

to serve Him for His glory's sake ; a father who dedicated you to His service from your childhood ; who educated you in piety and doctrine as befitted your years, and who, to sum up, has left nothing undone, both by earnest prayer to God and by unfailing care in your instruction to render you fit, when the day comes, to do His work.

Bethink you that by these means God may will to bring you to great deeds ; bethink you that you, in your turn, may be an instrument for that restoration of His Church which cannot tarry much longer. Lift up your soul to this end and be sure, O my son, that God will help you ; be sure that in seeking Him you will never fail to meet Him coming to meet you ; be sure that in striving for His glory you will win your own in greater measure than the whole world can give or even promise. But fear also His judgments if you neglect Him, or if you are ungrateful for the grace He bestows on you ; for mercy disdained returns in rebuke, and the more special a blessing is so much the more is our disdain or our abuse of it meet for punishment. You are yet young, my son, and in youth the mind is full of fancies, but remember the words of the Psalmist :

" Wherewithal shall a young man cleanse his way : even by ruling himself after thy word." (Ps. 119: v. 9.) And be not led astray by persons who would turn you to right or to left but say again with the Psalmist :

" I will dwell with those who keep thy laws ; thy laws O Lord will be my counsel." '

But so that you may not be without a guide I herewith give J you one, made with my own hand, to keep you company, the which is your father's example, and which I adjure you both to keep always before your eyes, and to follow it. To ensure this I have been at pains to write out for you all that I have been able to learn about his life, in spite of the unhappiness of the times which has so often interrupted our companionship, in suchwise that you may at least know the grace which God has shown him and the zeal and affection with which he has used it, so that you, in your turn, may hope for like assistance whensoever you resolve to serve Him with your whole heart. I am ailing and it is not to be expected that God will leave me long in this world. Keep this writing in memory of me. And when I am gone from you, in God's own time, I want you to finish that which I have begun to write concerning our lives. But above all, my son, I shall know that you will be thinking of me whenever tidings reach me that

1 The above verse cannot be traced as quoted by Mile du Plessis.

T

A HUGUENOT FAMILY

you, wheresoever you may be, are serving God and following in your father's steps. I shall gladly go down to the tomb whenever God calls me, if I can see you on the certain way to advance His glory, whether it be in aiding your father in his holy work so long as God spares him (and I pray he may yet have long years to serve God and be a guide to you through the ways of this world), or whether he lives again in you, should it be God's will that you survive him.

To conclude. I commend your sisters to you. Show them by loving them well that you do love, and will always love, your mother. Remember that, young as you are, were God to take us away you would have to be a father to them. I pray God, my son, that He will grant that you all live in His fear and in love of one another. In this confidence I give you my blessing, and with my whole heart implore God to bless my blessing for the sake of His Son, Jesus Christ, and that He will pour out His Holy Spirit upon you.

Written at Saumur, this 25th of April 1595.

Your very good mother,

CHARLOTTE ARBALESTE.

/

Letter from Mlle du Plessis to M. de la Court

M. de la Court,

I beg you to be so good as to buy for me, through the kind offices of Madame de la Court, your wife, two little caps for children first and second size, and to have two pairs of leading-strings also made of very fine white serge, one to be lined with white satin and the other with a thin taffeta ; there should be a cap to match as well. I also want four dozen laces " de la chambre de comptes," * the best, and a hundred and fifty needles of all sizes. Get a velvet bonnet made for me to wear with two gauze nets spangled with gold and silver, and two satin caps " de cornettes " well made and turned back in front so that the gauze is not hidden. I also want two wigs of light chestnut hair, one for wearing with a cap " de cornettes " which should be very low and flat in the middle, and the other for wearing with a gauze coif. I beg you to be so very kind as

1 Would this be analogous to red tape of Treasury quality ?

MILE DU PLESSIS' LETTER

to do all these things for me as quickly as you can. They should be put in a box well corded and given to M. le Gras, who will convey them to Bordeaux. I have already written to him about it.

I commend me to your good offices and also to Madame de la Court's, and pray God to keep you safe.

Your loving and good friend,

CHARLOTTE ARBALESTE.

NfiRAC, Oct. 17, 1587.

T2

INDEX

AlenCjON, see Valois, Francois de

Anjou, see Henri III, also Valois, Fr. de

Antwerp, arrival of du Plessis and his family in, 172 ; Burgomaster of, prevents du Plessis from leaving, 182 ; French fury at, 188

Arbaleste, Seigneur - Vicomte de la Borde Melun, 9 ; hears Luther in early life, III I in. Magdalene Chevalier, III) an honourable judge, III; arrested as a huguenot, 112; property injured by Duke of Guise, 112; conversion of, 1 12, 1 13 ; death of, 1 14, 120; escapes from Paris, 1567, 117

Arbaleste, Guy, Vicomte de la Borde Melun, professes Catholicism at massacre of St Bartholomew, 124; tries to convert his sister Charlotte, 129 ; consents to her marriage with du Plessis, 144

Arbaleste, Mile de Vaucelas, III, 114, 120

Arbaleste, Charlotte, m. 1st Jean de Pas de Feuqueres, 2nd Philippe de Mornay du Plessis Marly. First meeting of, with du Plessis, 20, 140 ; travels by coach, 35, 182, 191 ; comes to Montauban, 64, 194 ; dispute with huguenot ministers, 64- 72, 198-217 ; marriage of with de Feuqueres, 1 1 4, 118; birth of Suzanne de Pas, 120; death of de Feuqueres, 120 ; escape of, from massacre of St Bartholomew, 121- 130; sets out for Sedan, 129 ; wooing of, by du Plessis, 143-145 ; asks leave of her family to marry, 144 ; wedding of, 156 ; returns to France, 157 ; birth of Marthe de Mornay, 163 ; joins du Plessis in England, 168 ; crosses to Antwerp, 180; not allowed to leave Antwerp, 182 ; regret at leaving Flanders, 184 ; serious illness of, at Rouen, 191 ; begins writing her memoirs, 1584, 194; appeals to consistory and synod on subject of false hair, 206, 212-217, confession of Faith of, 208-211 ; treatment of, by consistory of Montauban, 211 ; goes to neighbouring town for Communion

Sunday, 217 ; birth and death of daughter at Montauban, 224 ; ditto at La Rochelle, 227 ; goes to Beam, 229 ; arrives in Saumur, 239 ; builds protestant ' temple ' at Saumur, 273 ; comes to Paris, 278 ; severe illness of, 279 ; consoled by her younger brother's return to the protestant faith, 278 ; describes campaign of her son in Low Countries, 283-285 ; letter to her son, 288 ; letter ordering two new wigs, 290

Aumont, J. de, Marshal of France, guarantees Henri de Navarre's safety at Tours, 238

Avelles, M. des, Governor of Castle of Sedan, 141 ; son of, at battle of Dormans, 151

Balzac, Charles de, see Entragues

Beauregard, Captain, discloses plots of Spain and Savoy against France, 191

Bee Crespin, Vice-Admiral of France, Sieur de Wardes, 7, 81

Bee Crespin, Francoise de, marriage of, with Jacques de Mornay de Buhy, 8, 81 ; converts her husband at his death-bed, 82 ; professes reformed religion, 83, 88 ; chooses lutheran tutor for her sons, 83 ; in Paris on Eve of St Bartholomew, 104 ; takes refuge with her brother, 109; consents to du Plessis marriage, 144 j arbitrates in division of husband's property, 194 ; death of, 271

Bee, Philippe de, Bishop of Vannes, 1559, of Nantes, 1566, Archbishop of Rheims, 1598, early leanings towards reformed religion, 88, 90 ; tries to convert du Plessis, 90 ; supports du Plessis against St Phal, 258

Berault, M., minister of Montauban, quarrel with Mile du Plessis, 199-217

Bergen-op-Zoom, defence of, by du Plessis, 181

Blois, Estates General at, 229 ; Duke of Guise assassinated at, 229

Borde, de la, see Arbaleste

Borde, M. de la, a Burgundian, takes du Plessis prisoner at Dormans, 1 50

INDEX

Bouillon, see Marck, de la ; Tour d'Auvergne, de la ; Bourbon Montpensier

Bourbon, Antoine de, King of Navarre, 24

Bourbon, Charles de, Cardinal de, 24 ; attempt to recognise him as heir to Henri III, 52 ; unfriendly to Henri de Navarre, 196 ; taken prisoner by du Plessis, 241-243

Bourbon, Charles de, Comte de Soissons, grief of, at Conde's death, 228 ; attempts to secure Cardinal de Bourbon, 243

Bourbon, Catherine de, sister of King of Navarre, Philip II proposes marriage with, 187 ; Mile du Plessis visits her in Beam, 229 ; agrees to gift of Duchy of Vendome to Caesar, Henri's son, 261 ; marriage of, to Due de Bar, 277

Bourbon, Henri de, King of France and Navarre, see Henri IV

Bourbon, Henri de, Prince de Conde, escape of, from French Court, 5 1 , 1 38 ; delays du Plessis' journey to England, 165 ; anger of, with du Plessis, 226 ; death of, 228

Bourbon, Louis de, Prince de Conde, pursueshis personal ambitions through the huguenot party, 23, 24 ; death of, at Battle of Jarnac, 26, 48; lodges at M. de la Borde's house, III; employs M. de Feuqueres in " Second Troubles," 1567, 117

Bourbon Montpensier, Francoise de, wife of H. de la Marck Duke of Bouillon, visits her husband on his death-bed, 142 ; sends du Plessis on mission to Cleves, 142 ; approves du Plessis' conduct, 155

Bourdeille, Pierre de, Seigneur Abbe de Brantome, praise of Queen of Navarre, 27, 69 ; Discours des Duels by,

Brancas, Andre de, Sieur de Villars,

l65 Brantome, Abbe de, see Bourdeille

Briconnet, Guillaume de, bishop of

Meaux, 3-5 Brissac, see Cosse Buhy, Chateau of, II, 12 Buhy, see Mornay Bussy d'Amboise, Louis de Clermont,

quarrel over flag with Turenne,

'59 Buzenval, Paul Choart de, friendship

of du Plessis with, 186

Calvin, opinions of, in regard to lawful authority, 23

Casaubon, Isaac, appointed as supporter to du Plessis at public discussion on " l'Eucharistie," 58

Catherine di Medici, the Queen Mother, character and training of, 27-28 ; indifference to religion, 29 ; family ambition of, 29-30 ; love of riding, 35 ; contest with Coligny, 47 ; anger of, with du Plessis and his brother on account of the plot of St Germain, 160 ; angry at du Plessis' advice to Alencon, 163; Henri III takes du Plessis to visit, 193; unfriendly reply to King of Navarre's letter on Alencon's death, 197

Caylus (Quelus) Jacques, Comte de, mignon of Henri III, 75

Charles IX, King of France, struggle between various parties for control of, 25, 27, 47 ; assures Coligny of his affection, 48 ; death of, 139

Chatillon, see Coligny

Chavigny, M. de, Governor of Chinon, has charge of Cardinal de Bourbon, 241-243 ; wife of, acts as Governor,

Chevalier, Charles de, Sieur d'Esprunes, killed in the massacre of St Bartholomew, 121

Chevalier, Magdalene, Mile, de la Borde, mother of Charlotte, Mile, du Plessis, 1 1 1 ; behaviour of, at massacre of St Bartholomew, 123- 125 ; agrees to Charlotte's marriage to du Plessis, 144, death of 271

Chevalier, Pierre de, Bishop of Senlis, at massacre of St Bartholomew, 121

Chinon, Cardinal de Bourbon imprisoned at, 241

Coligny, Gaspard de, Admiral de Chatillon, foreign policy of, 47 ; jealousy of Duke of Anjou of, 48 ; assassination of, 48, 49, 104 ; receives du Plessis in Paris, 103

Coligny, Odetde, Cardinal de Chatillon, library of, burnt, 94

Coligny, Paul de, Comte de Laval, 159 ; sent with du Plessis on mission to Henri III, 195 ; death of, 197

Cooper, Thomas, Bishop of Winchester, discusses thirty-nine articles with du Plessis, 273

Concordat of 1516, effect on Church in France of, 5-7

Conde, see Bourbon

INDEX

Confession of Faith, written by Mile.

du Plessis, 208-211 Cosse, Charles de, Comte de Brissac,

Marshal of France, sets M. de la

Borde free, 112 Cosse, Charles de, Duke and Marshal

de Brissac, meets du l'lessis at

Angers, 253 ; allows St Phal to

escape, 255 ; friendly to du Plessis

after St Phal affair, 269 Coutras, battle of, 226

Deux Ponts, or Zweibriicke, Wolfgang of Bavaria, Duke of, march of, to LaCharite, 119, 120

Devereux, Robert, Earl of Essex, Elizabeth's infatuation for, 272

Dormans, battle of, du Plessis taken prisoner at, 149

Dress, interference of huguenot ministers with, 64-72, 199-217 ; extravagance of, 68, 7 1

Duels, frivolous causes of, 73, duel of 'les mignons' 75 ; duels fought by de Viteaux, 76, 77

Edict of Nantes, Henri IV's policy in regard to, 264

Education of boys, at school, 16, as pages, 17

Elizabeth, Queen of England, subsidises huguenots, 53 ; du Plessis sent on mission to, 165, 168, 177 ; high esteem of du Plessis, 178 ; refuses troops for siege of Rouen, 27 1 ; consents if Essex returns, 272

England, du Plessis visits, 43, 102, 109, 167, 177, 271 ; Duke of Anjou (Alencon) visits, 177, 178

Entragues, Charles de Balzac, mignon of Henri III, 75

Erasmus, influence on reformation of, in France, 3, 5 ; story of his landlady's false curls, 71

Estates General, attempt of League to control, 161

Estrees, Gabrielle de, Duchess of Beaufort, marriage of her son Casar, 261, death of, 278

Evreux, Jacques Davy, Bishop of, Cardinal de Perron, Conference de Fontainebleau, 58

Ferrier, Arnand du, Chancellor of Navarre, first meeting with du Plessis in Venice, 33 ; conversion of, 33, 187

Feuqueres, see Pas

Foix, Paul de, Ambassador to Signory of Venice, 95 ; shelters in the Louvre during the massacre of St Bartholomew, 105 ; recommends du Plessis to King of Navarre, 162 ; warns du Plessis of danger, 165

Francois II, King of France, 25 ; Sieur of Feuqueres page of, 1 16 ; death of, 116

Furniture, in 16th century, 15

Gkldern, Philippe de Mornay, the

younger, killed at, 285 Ghent, troubles in, caused by Imbize, 172; Mornay family come to, 176; attacked by Governor of Gravelines, 1 78 ; resolution to renounce obedience to Spain by Low Countries taken at, 179

Gonzaque, Louis de, Duke of Nevers, takes part in massacre of St Bartholomew, 122

Goyon, J. de, Marshal de Matignon, kindly reception of Mile, du Plessis by, 224

Guast (Gua), r Louis Beranger de, mignon of Duke of Anjou (Henri III), murder of, by de Viteaux, 77

Guise, see Lorraine

Henri III, King of France, Duke of Anjou, jealous of Coligny, 48 ; share in the massacre of St Bartholomew, 49 : murder of, 50 ; attempt to assume leadership of League, 51, 162 ; extravagant taste in dress of, 69 ; distress at distruction of a scent factory, 72 ; elected King of Poland, 133 ; du Plessis sends him the book on pedigree of Lorraine, 184 ; sends Queen of Navarre from Court, 190 ; missions of du Plessis to, 190, 191 ; efforts to meet plots of Spain and the League, 192 ; offers du Plessis 100,000 francs, 193 ; concessions to huguenots won by du Plessis from, 196; indecision of, in regard to League, 220 ; driven from Paris on Journee des Barricades, 229 ; has Guise assassinated, 229 ; meeting of, with King of Navarre at Tours, 236 ; assassination of, 240 Henri IV, King of Navarre, and later of France, at battle of Coutras, 23, 226 ; marriage of, 47, 103 ; poverty of, 54 ; makes fun of his wife, 55 ; high esteem of du Plessis, 56 ; religious tolerance of, 57 ; 2nd

INDEX

marriage of, 57 ; anger at publication of du Plessis' book on the Eucharist, 57, 281 ; regular scheme of life devised for, by du Plessis, 59 ; escape from French Court planned, 134; du Plessis enters service of, 162 ; character defended by du Plessis in England, 170; allows du Plessis to stay longer in Low Countries, 182 ; offers du Plessis seals of Navarre, 186 ; Philip II of Spain proposes alliance with, 187 ; warned of the League by Spanish envoys, 188; appoints du Plessis surintendant, 189 ; sends du Plessis on missions to Henri III, 190, 192-194 ; proposes to settle war of the League by a duel of champions, 220; blames du Plessis' conduct of the war, 223 ; nursed by du Plessis in serious illness, 232 ; marches on the Loire, 235 ; meeting of, with Henri III, 238 ; charges du Plessis to secure Cardinal de Bourbon, 241 ; delight at du Plessis' success, 244 ; deterred by du Plessis from merging his patrimony in the crown, 247 ; battle of Ivry, 248 ; promises du Plessis justice on St Phal, 259 ; gives duchy of Vendome to his son Caesar, 261 ; policy of, in regard to Edict of Nantes, 264 ; conversion of, 273 ; grief at death of Duchess of Beaufort, 278 ; huguenots out of favour with, 281 ; plans to raise three regiments for service in Low Countries, 281 ; grief of, at death of Leo IX, 282 ; gives du Plessis' son permission to volunteer for service in Low Countries, 283

Hopital, Michel de 1', chancellor, tolerance of, 28 ; soldiers quartered on, 1572, 128

Huguenot Church and religion, origin of, in catholic reformation, 3-5 ; great influence of women in, 4 ; Catherine di Medici's position in regard to, 28, 29 ; Calvin's influence, 23 ; growth of democracy in, 50, 51 ; savage war waged by, 51 \ spread of, among middle classes, 65 ; alliance of, with Duke of Alencon, 133, 157; general synods of, 185; proposed approach to other protestant Churches, 1 86, 189; General Assembly held at Montauban, 194 ; confession of faith held by, 208-21 1 ; payment of ministers, 236

Imbizb, J. VAN, stirs up Ghent against the Estates of the Low Countries, 172

Inns, described by Montaigne and Fynes Moryson, 37-40 ; Mile du Plessis stops at inn, 127

Ivry, battle of, 248-251

John, Don, of Austria, stirs up Low

Countries, 169 Joyeuse, Anne de, Duke of, campaign

of 1585, 221 ; campaign of Coutras,

Languet, Hubert, first meeting with du Plessis, 32 ; friendship with Sir Philip Sidney, 32 ; in Paris at massacre of St Bartholomew, 131 ; death of at Antwerp, 181

La Noue, Francois de, describes education of boys, 17 ; begs du Plessis to return to France, 133 ; joint efforts of, with du Plessis against the League, 161 ; recommends du Plessis to King of Navarre, 162 ; wife of, escorted on her journey south by du Plessis, 163, 164 ; taken prisoner, 176, 177

League, The, Henri, Duke of Guise, leader of, 25 ; founded to prevent a huguenot succession to the crown, 51 ; founded in Picardy, 160 ; attempts to control Estates General by, 161 ; treaties between Spain and, 188; war of the, 219 ; indecision of Henri III in regard to, 220

Lefevre d'Etaples, Jacques, 1455- 1 537, associated with Briconnet in reform of Church, 3-5 ; translation of Bible

by, 7 L'Estoile, Pierre de, discription of the

duel of the King's " mignons," 75 Le Ronne, M. Victor, description of

Chateau of Buhy, 12 Livarot, Jean d'Arces, mignon of Henri

HI, 75 Lizi, M. de, arranges marriage between

du Plessis and Charlotte Arbaleste,

144 ; collects troops to assist Duke of

Alencon, 156 London, description of, 44, du Plessis

and his family in, 168 Lorraine, Dukes of, Pedigree from

Charlemagne claimed for, 52, 184 Lorraine, Charles de, Cardinal of, 25 Lorraine, Charlesde, Duke of Mayenne,

du Plessis to be delivered up to, 155 ;

campaign of 1586, 222 ; leader of the

League, 233 ; attack on Tours by, 239 Lorraine, Francois de, Duke of Guise,

INDEX

position of in France, 24, 25 ; assassinated 1563, 26

Lorraine, Henri de, Duke of Guise, leader of the League, 25, 51, share of, in assassination of Coligny, 47, 49 ; Pedigree from Charlemagne claimed by, 52, 184 ; destroys property of M. de la Borde, 112; at the massacre of St Bartholomew, 122; campaign of Dormans, 146-150; turns France upside down, 1579, 173 ; hired assassin of, 193 ; assassinated at Blois, 229

Louis XIII, takes governorship of Saumur from du Plessis, 286

Lusignan, ruins of castle of, 164

Mademoiselle, title used by married

women before 17th century, 14, 15 Madon, Marguerite, nurse to du Plessis,

81 "Malcontents," party of the Duke of

Alencon, J 51 Marck, Guillaume de la, Duke of

Bouillon, 183 Marck, Henri Robert de la, Duke of

Bouillon, death of at Sedan, 141 ;

arranges for safety of Sedan after

his death, 141 Marguerite d'Angouleme, Queen of

Navarre, sister Francois I, 1492- 1 549;

influence on the reformation of, 3, 4 Marguerite de Valois, Queen of Navarre,

learning of, praised by Brant6me, 27 ;

marriage of, 47, 103 ; her menagerie,

55 ; magnificence of her dress, 69,

quarrels with Henri III, 190 Marshals' Court, 265-267 Matignon, see Goyon Maugiron, Louis de, mignon of Henri

"I. 75

Menneville, de, holds a disputation with du Plessis, 91

Mercenaries, doubtful advantage of, 53 ; money for, granted by Queen of England, 177 ; defeat of, after battle of Coutras, 227 ; take part in battle of Ivry, 248

Merlin, huguenot minister, 185

Metellus, Jean, loses du Plessis' manuscripts, 98, 102 ; driven from Low Countries by Cardinal Granville, 101

Millaud,duel of, with Baron de Viteaux, 76

Minier, Jacques, servant to M. Tambonneau, helps in escape of Charlotte Arbaleste from Paris, 124, 127

Ministers of huguenot Church, 65;

education of, 67 ; puritan principles of, 64-72 ; Church discipline by, 198-217

Miremont, de, huguenot minister, conversion of M. de la Borde, 113

Montaigne, Michel Eyquem de, 15 ; Essay on 1'InstitutiondesEnfants, 19; early proficiency in latin, 19 ; travels of, described, 34-42

Montauban, Mile du Plessis' quarrel with the huguenot ministers of, 64, 198-217; Mile du Plessis arrives at, 198 ; plot for betrayal of, 224

Montmorenci, Anne, Connetable de, leader of the middle party in France, 25, 52 ; killed in battle of St Denis, 1567, 26

Montmorenci, Francois, Duke of, helps du Plessis' escape from Paris, 108, mission of du Plessis to, on behalf of King of Navarre, 162

Montmorenci, Guillame de, Sieur de Thore, attempt to escape from the Court, 133 ; raises troops in Germany, 146 ; loses battle of Dormans, 149

Montmorenci, Henri de, Comte de Damville, Duke of Montmorenci and Constable, leader of ' les Politiques,' 52 ; suspected of complicity with League, 193; Constable of France, 247 ; presides over Marshals' Court, 265

Mornay, Bertin de, granddoyen of Beauvais, 81 ; bequeathes his property to du Plessis, 84

Mornay, Jacques de, Sieur de Buhy, 81 ; a devout catholic, 82 ; death of, 82 ; refuses to read luthern books, 87

Mornay, Philippe de, Sieur du Plessis Marly, birth of, 2, 81 ; education of, 16, 85-92 ; family of, 8, 81 ; destined for Church, II, 84, 91; meets Charlotte Arbaleste, 20, 140; travels through Europe, 31, 41, 94-103; " Vindiciae contra tyrannos " attributed to, 32 ; friends made abroad, H. Languet, 32, 95 ; Philip Sidney, 32, 169 ; A. du Ferrier, 33, 95, 187 ; Francis Walsingham, 169 ; visits England, 43, 102, 109, 131, 167, 177, 271 ; Germany, 94, 95, 101 ; Italy, 95-100; Low Countries, 43, 102, 171-184 ; returns to France 1572, 46, 103 ; governor of Saumur, 46, 236 ; Queen of England, missions to, 54, 165, 271 ; success as surintendant of Navarre, 55, 231 ; opinion of Henri IV's amours, 56, 261, 278;

INDEX

I 'Institution del ' Eucharistie, 57, 275 ; Henri IV's annoyance at publication of above, 57 ; Conference of Fontainebleau, 58 ; scheme for settling Flemings in B^arn, 61 ; attempted assassination of, by St Phal, 73 ; lament for his son's death, 78 ; inherits property from his uncle, 84, 88 ; attempt to secure church preferment for, 85 ; danger from Parisian mob, 89 ; holds disputation with a fellowscholar, 91 ; starts on grand tour, 94 ; danger of arrest in Rome, 99 ; arrival in Paris, 103 ; escape from massacre of St Bartholomew, 103-109; employed by Prince of Orange and Duke of Alencon, 132 ; advises huguenots not to join Alencon, 133, '57 ! flight to Sedan, 134 ; dangerous mission to Louis of Nassau, 135-138 ; resides at Sedan, 139, 145, 155 ; writes book, ' on lawful power of a prince over his people,' 139 ; mission to Cleves, 142 ; publishes treatise on Life and Death, 145 ; campaign of Dormans, 146-155 ; foretells failure of, 148 ; taken prisoner, 149 ; wedding of, 156; returns to France, 157; Alencon proposes to send him to England, 160; warns Henri de Navarre of the League, 160 ; enters Henri de Navarre's service, 162 ; dangerous journey of, 164 ; captured Dy King's ships, 166 ; treatise on the Church, 170; warns Henri de Navarre against Guise, 173 ; severe illness of, 173-175; warns Orange against Anjou (Alencon), 179 ; publishes book on Truths of the Christian Religion, 180; Anjou's hatred of, 182 ; represents Henri de Navarre at Synod of huguenot Church, 185 ; urges du Ferrier to make a public confession of faith, 187 ; appointed surintendant of Navarre, 189 ; missions to Henri III on expulsion of Queen of Navarre from French Court, 190 ; on plots of Spain, 192- 194 ; on behalf of huguenots, 195 ; blames ministers of Montauban for causing a schism, 203, 204 ; return of, to Court of Navarre, 1585, 218; confidence in success of huguenots, 220; state papers written by, 221 ; Toulouse, plan for an attack on, 222 ; spends fifteen months at Montauban, 223, 224 ; announces Conde's death to Henri de Navarre, 228 ; letter on

Duke of Guise's death, 233 ; urges Henri de Navarre to march on Loire, 234 ; negotiates meeting between two Kings, 235 ; blames Henri de Navarre for his love of a frolic, 237 ; news of death of Henri III reaches, 240 ; commissioned to take charge of Cardinal de Bourbon, 241 ; Ivry, battle of, 248-251 ; attack on, by St Phal, 252269; mission to Duke of Mercceur, 253 ; support of his friends, 256-258 ; disapproves of gift of Duchy of Vendome to Caesar, the King's son, 261 ; Henri IV tells him of his conversion, 273 ; catholic anger at I 'Institution de l Eucharistie, 275, 276 ; will not condole with King on Duchess of Beaufort's death, 278 ; loss of favour at court, 279, 280 ; loses his governorship of Saumur, 286; death of, 287

Mornay, children of du Plessis Mornay : — Marthe, birth of, 163, marries J. de Jaucourt de Villarnoul, 277 ; present at father's deathbed, 283. Elizabeth, birth of, 170; Sir Philip Sidney godfather to, 170. Philippe, Henri IV's bon mot on, 58 ; death of, 78 ; his father's lament for, 79 ; born at Antwerp, 173 ; choice of name for, 174 ; Mile de Buhy, his grandmother, loth to give up charge of, 194 ; military service in Low Countries of, 277, 278 ; Henri IV's good opinion of, 279; chafes at idleness, 281; challenged to a duel, 282 ; killed at attack on Geldern, 285. Anne, birth of, 186 ; brought up by Mile de Buhy, 271. Three sons and two daughters died in infancy

Mornay, Pierre de, Seigneur de Buhy, 84 ; early conversion of, 87 ; at battle of St Denis, 93 ; flight of, after failure of princes to escape, 135 ; refugee in Sedan, 139 ; governor of St Lienart in Limousin, 144 ; division of paternal inheritance, 194; negotiates meeting of the two Kings at Tours, 235, 237 ; at battle of Ivry, 250 ; death of, 260

Moryson, Fynes, travels of described,

34-41 Mouy, see Vaudray

Nassau, Maurice de, godfather to du Plessis' second son, 180 ; du Plessis' son Philippe serves under, 283

INDEX

Nassau, William, l'rince of Orange, du Plessis to be senl on a mission to, 103 ; huguenots offer to serve under, 119; employs du Plessis at English Court, 132; catholic provinces appeal to, 169; warned against Anjou (Alencon) by du Plessis, 179; begs du Plessis not to leave Flanders, 182 ; attempted assassination of, 184

Navarre, Henri de, see Henri IV

Nerac, du Plessis moves his family to, 224

Neufville, Nicholas de, Seigneur de Villeroi, secretary of State, 193

Nevers, see Gonzague

Orange, Prince of, see Nassau

Padua, du Plessis studies at, 96

Paris, citizens of, hostile to huguenots, 49, 112; join in the massacre of St Bartholomew, 105-108, 121-127; Henri III, driven out of, 229

Parliament of Paris, sits in Tours, 241 ; proposes Henri IV should reign jointly with Cardinal de Bourbon, 242 ; warns du Plessis of an attempt on his life, 245 ; takes proceedings against St Phal, 261, 262

Pas, Jean de, Sieur de Feuqueres, m. Charlotte d'Arbaleste 1 14, 1 18 ; page to Francois II, 114 ; goes to Rome, 115; conversion of, 115; involved in conspiracy of Amboise, 116; sent by Catherine on mission to Louis, prince de Conde, 117; at Battle of St Denis, 118; volunteers to join William of Orange, 119; death of, 120

Pas, Suzanne de, d. of Jean de Pas Sieur de Feuqueres and Charlotte dArbaleste, birth of, 119; saved in the massacre, 123; adopted by her great - grandmother, Dame Marie Guillard d'Esprunes, 123; birth of a son of, 262 ; bequest from her grandmother M. Chevalier de la Borde, 271 ; marriage of, 275 ; her husband made gentleman -in -waiting, 280; 2nd marriage with If, desNozers, 284

Peasants, unaffected by huguenot reformation, 65 ; poverty of, 66

Terreuze, de, maitre des requetes, saves many huguenots from massacre of St Bartholomew, 121-123

Philip II, King of Spain, proposals of, to assist King of Navarre against King of France, 187

Plague, outbreak of, on ship, 173 Plantin, Christophe, prints du Plessis'

book on Christian Religion, 180 Plessis, see Mornay, Philippe de ; also

Arbaleste, Charlotte de, Mile du

Plessis Politiques, les, the middle party between

extreme catholics and huguenots, 26,

53. 'Si

Quelus, see Caylus

Ramigny, Lazare, appointed tutor to du Plessis, 90 ; murdered in the massacre of St Bartholomew, no

Reformation in France, early character °f> 3"7 ! importance of women in, 4 ; influence of Erasmus, 5

Requesens, Don Louis de, paper on death of, written by du Plessis, 140

Ribiere, M. de la, the King's doctor, treatment of Mile du Plessis, 280

Rochelle, offer to make good du Plessis' losses at sea, 167 ; wishes to illuminate on Guise's death, 233

Rohan, Jacqueline de, Marquise de Rothelin, arranges disputation between du Plessis and de Menneville, 9 1 ; conversion of M . de la Borde, 1 1 3 ; friend of Charlotte d'Arbaleste, 121

Rohan, Rene Vicomte de, lends du Plessis money for his voyage, 167

Rome, Montaigne's description of, 41, 42 ; du Plessis in, 42, 99

Rosieres, Fr. de, author of Slemmatt Lttharingiae ac Barri ducum, 184

Rosny, Maximilien de, Due de Sully, supports du Plessis in quarrel with St Phal, 259 ; m. Mile du Plessis' niece, 259 ; unfriendly to du Plessis, 279 ; summons du Plessis' son to court, 281

Rothelin, see Rohan, Jacqueline de

Rouen, English troops at siege of, 271

Sacrament Sunday, tokens required for, 199, 201

Saulx, Guillaume de, Comte de Tavannes, takes pleasure in du Plessis' conversation, 153

Saulx, Jear. de, Vicomte de Tavannes, at battle of Dormans, 150

Saumur, given as guarantee of treaty 1589, 236; Saumur given up to du Plessis, 238; arrival of Mile du Plessis at, 239

Sea Robbers, steal du Plessis' manuscript, 171

INDEX

Sedan, birth of Suzanne de Pas at, 120 ; arrival of Charlotte d'Arbaleste (Mile du Plessis) at, 130 ; arrival of du Plessis and his brothers at, 1 39 ; a city of refugees, 139; du Plessis stays at,

145. 155 Sidney, Philip, friendships with du

Plessis and Hubert Lanquet, 32 ;

translates du Plessis' book on Truths

of Christianity, 169 ; godfather to

Elizabeth de Mornay, 170 St Aldegonde, Philippe de Marnix,

Seigneur de, 177 St Bartholomew, massacre of, 49 ;

results of, 49-53 ; du Plessis' escape

from, 103- 109; Charlotte d'Arbaleste's

escape from, 1 2 1- 1 30 St Denis, battle of, 93, 118 St Germain, plot for escape of Duke

of Alencon and King of Navarre

from, 133

Tambonnkau, President db, Charlotte d'Arbaleste and others take refuge with, 124

Territorial names, common use of, 15

Thore, see Montmorenci

Thou, Christophe de, premier president, judgment on duelling, 76 ; protects huguenots at massacre of St Bartholomew, 123

Toulouse, appeal of huguenots of Montauban to the Parlement of, 204, 216; du Plessis' plan for attack on, 221, 222

Tour d'Auvergne, Henri de la, Vicomte de Turenne, Due de Bouillon, difficulty with du Plessis ends in friendship, 219; charged with defence of Dordogne, 222 ; wounded at Nerac, 224 ; supports du Plessis in quarrel with St Phal, 256

Tours, meeting of two Kings at, 238 ; attacked by Mayenne, 239

Travel, methods of, coaches, 35, 37 ; horseback, 35 ; water transport, 35, 240 ; sea voyages, 43, 63 ; posthorses, 36, 43

T r e m e 1 i u s, Emmanuel, excellent Hebrew scholar, 94

Turenne, see Tour d'Auvergne

Valois, Francois de, Duke of Alencon, Duke of Anjou 1576, character of, 53 ; makes use of les politiques, 53 ; employs du Plessis at English court, 132 ; plans escape

from St- Germain -en- Laye, 134; mercenary troops raised for, 146 ; proposes to send du Plessis to- Queen Elizabeth, 170, 177; effort to damage du Plessis, 178 ; attempt to make himself ruler of Low Countries, 179 ; treachery of, 180 \ false dealing with du Plessis by, 182, 183; Philip IPs plans against, 188 ; death of, 197

Vaudray, Artus de, Seigneur de Mouy, godfather to du Plessis' son Philippe, 174

Vaudray, Isaac de (?) de Mouy, related to du Plessis and to St Phal, 261 ; lays the blame for the quarrel on St Phal, 262

Vaudray, Charles Louis de, seigneur de Mouy. (This is the most probable identification. C. L. de Vaudray de Mouy was killed in 1583.) Shares campaign of Dormans with du Plessis, 146 ; wounded and taken prisoner, 153 ; severe treatment of Olonne by, 167

Vaudray, Georges de, Sieur de Saint Phal, quarrel with du Plessis, 252- 269 ; judgment of Marshals' Court against, 265 ; begs forgiveness of the King and du Plessis in presence of the Court, 267-269

Venice, 95 ; Inquisition at, 96 ; scene in the Doge's Palace, 97

Verdavagne, M. de, doctor to Duke of Bouillon ; Mile du Plessis lodges with, 140; arranges meeting of Duke and Duchess, 141

Victoria, Queen, court-dress in days of, 68

Vielleville, Marechal de France, memoirs of quoted, 17

Villars, see Brancas

Villeroi, see Neufville

" Vindiciae contra Tyrannos," 139

Viteaux, Baron de, account of duels fought by, 76, 77

Walsinciham, Sir Francis, protects Hubert Languet in the massacre of St Bartholomew, 33 ; friendship with du Plessis, 33, 169 ; writes to England on du Plessis' behalf, 132 Wars of Religion, confused origin of, 21 Wigs, use of, 70-72 ; fierce quarrel over, in Church of Montauban, 198- 217 ; Mile du Plessis orders two of chestnut colour, 290

THE EDINBUtGH PKHSS, g AND II YOUNG STREET, EDINBURGH

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PETRONIUS' SATYRICON. Translated by /. .1/.

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Book and its Morals ', etc. Third Edition.

" An intimate picture of life under the Roman Empire. It is a civilization, elaborate, highly-organized, luxurious, plutocratic, modern, filthy, scurrilous, and immoral ; and the characters are a very succession of Macheaths and Filches, Pollies and I.ucies, and worse still. We are nearer to the heart of life than many a ' best-seller ' dares to bring us."

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THE GIRDLE OF APHRODITE : the Fifth Book of

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THE POETS OF THE GREEK ANTHOLOGY : a Companion Volume to ' The Girdle of Aphrodite '. By F. A. Wright. " Mr Wright has pieced together the life-stories of certain makers of the Greek epigrams, and illustrated them by a large number of his delightful verse translations, and so produced a book that is a book — a labour of love which will be gratefully received by all." — E. B. Osborn, in Morning Post.

MASTER TYLL OWLGLASS : his Marvellous Adventures and Rare Conceits. Translated by K. R. H. Mackenzie, with an Introduction and Appendices. With 26 illustrations by Alfred Crowquill. " The knaveries of Master Owlglass are permanently part of the world's laughing-stock, because its author was an artist in an age where writers were apt to be pedants. The diverting history of Owlglass is a satire upon the essential fool of all time. It belongs to life. Mackenzie's rendering is too well-known to need further approval." — Times Lit. Supp.

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MONTESQUIEU'S PERSIAN LETTERS. Translated by John Davidson, with an Introduction on ' Montesquieu's Life and Work '. With 4 etchings by Edward de Beaumont. " What is enthralling is the account of harem life : women, slaves, eunuchs, are all real, and the inevitable climax is superbly told. The place of these letters upon the bookshelf is between Hajji Baba and The Thousand and One Nights. Montesquieu's genius is unquestionable ; in its own genre it is unsurpassed. The introduction is by the most considerable poet of the English nineties, and for the translation it will suffice to say that the work reads like an original." — Bookman's Journal.

CYRANO DE BERGERAC'S VOYAGES TO THE MOON AND THE SUN. Translated by Richard Aldington, with an Introduction on ' The Libertin Question ', etc. Ten curious illustrations. " For anyone who likes a queer, old satirical book, the work 01 a writer with a touch of rare, wayward genius in him, I recommend the book. I cannot recall a modern translation of an old book which is more successful than this in keeping the spirit of the original and in being at the same time distinguished and finished English prose." — Nation. ALCIPHRON'S LETTERS FROM COUNTRY AND TOWN : of Fishermen, Farmers, Parasites, and Courtesans. Translated by F. A. Wright, with an Introduction on ' The Beginnings of Romance '. " Which of Horace's classics can compare with Alciphron in charm, in naivety, in direct and sometimes risky humour — in short, in just those qualities which men seek for their reading. The Alciphron of our day would be a best-seller." — Manchester Guardian.

OVID : THE LOVER'S HANDBOOK. Translated into English verse by F. A. Wright ; with an Introduction on ' Ovid's Life and Exile ', etc.

Second Edition.

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THE TRAVELS OF BARON MUNCHAUSEN. Edited by William Rose, Ph.D. ; with an Introduction. With 20 illustrations by Alfred Crow quill. " A glorious liar, Munchausen is one of the immortals ; as long as it is human nature to like truth made digestible by a spice of lying his fame and name will flourish. The Baron as we know him is a magnificent example of the gallant adventurers to be met with on all the resounding highways of Eighteenth-Century Europe." — Morning Post.

FOUR FRENCH COMEDIES OF THE XVIIIth

CENTURY. Translated by Richard Aldington ; with

an Introduction on ' French and English Comedy '.

Illustrated with four portraits.

Regnard's The Residuary Legatee, a brilliant farce ; I.esage's

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HELIODORUS' AN AETHIOPIAN ROMANCE: The Love-Story of Theagenes and Chariclea. Translated by Thos. Underdowne, 1587. Revised by F. A. Wright; with an Introduction. " The Aethiopica is the oldest and by far the first in excellence of construction and general interest of those Greek stories of love and adventure which have survived through the Middle Ages. Nobody who reads it even to-day will think it inferior in interest to the best kind of modern adventure story. The ' rich colour and romantic vigour ' of the translation are not exaggerated, and make this work one of the classics of the language." — Morning Post.

LUNACHARSKI : THREE PLAYS. Translated by L. A. Magnus, LIB. and K. Walter. With an author's Preface, and a portrait. These plays (Faust and the City, The Magi, Vasilisa the Wise) are poetical dramas of most unusual merit. The Times Literary Supplement reviewing Vasilisa spoke of it as " A play rich in fantasy and in splendid visions ; it sets one dreaming. It means nothing ; it means a thousand things ; it has the logic and cohesion of its own strange beauty."

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HEINRICH HEINE: POEMS, SONGS, AND BALLADS. Translated into verse by Louis Untermeyer ; with a critical and biographical Introduction, and a portrait. " Mr Untermeyer, one feels sure, may be trusted as an interpreter, and that in itself is no small thing. The reader ought not to fail to enjoy these pages. Many of the poems read well, in particular some of the longer ones. Mr Untermeyer's excellent appreciation of Heine's gifts ought to be of help. It is clear that he has got deeper into Heine's mind than many translators." — Times Literary Supplement. THE IDYLLS OF THEOCRITUS, with the fragments of Bion and Moschus. Translated into verse by /. H. Hallard, M.A., with an Introduction on ' Greek Bucolic Poetry '. " Mr Hallard's volume is altogether delightful and entirely worthy of the Broadway Translations. I had hitherto believed that Calverley said the last word in the translation of Theocritus. But it wants no very great experience to realize at once trmt Mr Hallard ' has the advantage ', because there is more vitality in his verse, and just that touch of archaism which is demanded. Exquisite pieces. . ." — /. St. Lot Strachey, in Spectator.

THREE TIBETAN MYSTERY PLAYS, as performed in

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VOLTAIRE'S ZADIG AND OTHER ROMANCES. Translated by //. /. Woolf, with an Introduction on ' Voltaire and his Religion '. " Have you ever read Zadig ? Be not put off. Zadig is a real story, as is also The Simple Soul. They are not the stiff and stilted affairs that perhaps you may have thought them, but the most gracious entertainment. Read this new translation, and you should find Voltaire very much to your liking."— Bystander.

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REYNARD THE FOX. Translated by William Caxton, 1481. Modernized and edited by William Swan Stallybrass. Introduction by William Rose, M.A., Ph.D. Also THE PHYSIOLOGUS, translated by James Carlill, with an Introduction. With 32 illustrations after Kaulbach. " Reynard the Fox is surely one of the best stories ever told. It was very popular in the Middle Ages, and was translated and printed byCaxton in 1481. This version, very well modernized, is the one used. It is excellently written and does justice to the story. The illustrations are nearly as good as the story." — Weekly Westminster. The present edition is unexpurgated. To it is added the Physiologus, a curious and very ancient collection of animal-stories, mostly fabulous. COUNT LUCANOR : the Fifty Pleasant Tales of Patronio. Translated from the Spanish of Don Juan Manuel by James York, M.D. Introduction by /. B. Trend. With 30 plates by L. S. Wood. " I have been enjoying one of the latest of the Broadway Translations. It is one of those Spanish collections of tales and anecdotes which have had so much influence on European literature, and this one in particular is full of fine worldly wisdom and shrewd humour. There is an excellent introduction, and I can heartily recommend it" — Saturday Review. MME. DE LAFAYETTE'S PRINCESS OF CLEVES. Translated by Professor H. Ashton, with an Introduction. ' One reads her novel as if it were a true story told with exquisite tact by a woman who not only knew how to write, but also knew exactly how the heroine had thought and felt. The Princess of Cleves is a masterpiece, and there is no need to say any more about this translation than to point out that it is by Professor Ashton who knows the whole period well, and that he has done his work so tactfully that it is a pleasure to read." — -New Statesman.

SIR THOMAS MORE'S UTOPIA. Translated by Ralph Robinson. Introduction by Hugh Goitein. Also BACON'S ATLANTIS. Illustrated with woodcuts by Lang/ord Jones. " These two famous books have been carefully edited with an Introduction, Notes, and a Glossary, and the Utopia has been illustrated for the first time by some charming drawings. We can commend the book in every way ; it is in clear type, well got up, and contains everything needful for easy perusal." — Saturday Review.

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THE HISTORY OF MANON LESCAUT. Translated

from the French oiL'AbbePrevost by George Dunning

dribble, with an Introduction. " No denunciations by moralists, no interdiction by the police, has affected it. Burn it, but read it first, was the advice given on its first appearance." — Field. " Like The Princess of Cleves this book is one of the landmarks in the history of romance-writing. In it Prevost reached the height of art, simplicity and style, sympathy and power, which leave us passionate admirers. Even after two centuries the book retains its charm, which is not lost in the translation." — Saturday Review. BUDDHIST BIRTH-STORIES (Jataka Tales). With

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New and revised edition by Mrs Rhys Davids, D.Litt. Originally published in 1880 in Trubner's Oriental Series, this volume has long been out of print and has become extremely rare. It contains the only translation into any European language of the Nidana-Katha or ' narrative introducing ' the great collection of stories known as the Jatakas. " A work of high interest and value, it is a sort of Introduction to the Jataka, a collection of stories which have formed the origin of much of our European popular literature."— Saturday Review. THREE PLAYS OF PLAUTUS. Translated by F. A.

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THE MIRROR OF VENUS ; Love Poems and Stories from Ovid. Translated by F. A. Wright, with an Introduction on ' Love in Latin Literature.' " The introductory essay is full of original ideas and enthusiastic scholarship ; and his renderings into English verse of a large selection of Ovid's amatory poems are really delightful." — Westminster Gazette. " Very well worth its place. It may be taken as a companion volume to his Lover's Handbook. It is a joyous book — one more attempt to make people understand that the old Latins were not dullards." — Bystander. DOCTOR JOHN FAUSTUS ; his Damnable Life and Deserved Death, 1592. Together with the Second Report of Faustus, containing his Appearances and the Deeds of Wagner, 1594. Both modernized and edited by William Rose, M.A. Ph.D., with an Introduction on ' Faust in History and Literature.' With 24 curious illustrations. " Few of the volumes of the Broadway Translations can equal this one in interest. This is, in the main, due to the subject itself, but also to the glamour added to it by tradition, drama, and opera. Dr Rose successfully expounds the deep significance of the world-old story. The volume is to be commended both for its scholarship and its delineation of this perennial problem." — Journal of Education.

THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF GUIBERT, Abbot of

Nogent Sous Coucy. Translated by C. C. S. Bland.

Introduction by G. G. Coulton, author of

' Chaucer and his England,' etc. " Comparable to the work done by St Augustine. Messrs Routledge are to be congratulated." — Saturday Review. " A very curious piece of self-revelation, interesting alike to the student of history and humanity. It is valuable not only for the intrinsic interest of the abbot's life, but for the history it reveals of the period and the social life of the time in monastery and castle." — Daily Chronicle. CATULLUS' COMPLETE POEMS. Translated and

edited by F. A. Wright, with an Introduction.

The poetry of Catullus ranks high among the world's masterpieces of love-poetry. Mr Wright has arranged it on a new plan, grouping together all the Lesbia poems, then the epigrams, then the occasional verse; and finally the longer pieces. He has selected for his translations from the most successful versions of the past — including many of our greatest poets — while in many cases he presents his own version.

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THE FIFTEEN JOYS OF MARRIAGE. Translated

from the old French by Richard Aldington, with an

Introduction.

" The Fifteen Joys was one of the very last of the anti-feminine attacks of the Middle Ages, and it is certainly one of the most amusing and least offensive. It is essentially a work of humour and therefore fantastic in its assumptions. The author is to be praised for the amusing realism of his situations and dialogue, his skill in sketching his gallery of uncomplimentary female portraits. ... I leave the reader to explore for himself, with some confidence that he will find amusement in the shrewd, naif, ironical old author." — From the Introduction.

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Demy 8vo, 12/6 net. SUETONIUS : HISTORY OF TWELVE CAESARS.

Translated by Philemon Holland, 1606. Edited by /. H. Freese, M.A. ; with an Introduction and Notes. " Suetonius is the descriptive journalist. Acting for some time as secretary to the Emperor Hadrian he not only had access to the imperial archives, but was in a position to pick up all the back-stairs gossip, to overhear anecdotes and intrigues of the most intimate nature. It is for this reason that his Lives is such a vastly entertaining book, more entrancing and more exciting than any work of fiction." — Queen.

ESQUEMELING : THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. Translation of 1684-5, with the excessively rare Fourth Part, and facsimiles of all the original engraving, portraits, maps, etc. Edited by William Swan Stallybrass ; with Notes and Index. With Andrew Lang's Essay on the Buccaneers. Second Edition.

" Esquemeling tells us very interesting things about the origin of the most famous pirates of the time and their peculiar manners and customs. He gives a spirited account of their careers, and then comes to his principal villain, Captain Morgan. This reckless rascal, who lacked fear and shame completely, is the subject of several thrilling chapters. . . Here is the good raw stuff of fifty romances. Rum and brandy flow like water. Plate-ships, fire-ships, torturings, pillagings, hunting, Spaniards, Indians, how a beautiful woman preserved her virtue amidst incredible perils — all that ever went with the South Seas is to be found in these pages." — Times Literary Supplement.

CELESTINA, THE SPANISH BAWD : or The Tragicomedy of Calisto and Melibea. Translated from the Spanish of De Rojas by James Mabbe, 163 1. Edited by H. Warner Allen ; with an Introduction on ' The Picaresque Novel '. " It was indeed a happy thought to add Mabbe's version of 163 1 to the excellent series of Broadway Translations. In the Ce'/estina, a strain of the older Spanish romanticism persists in the simple story of the two star-crossed lovers. But the central figure is the venerable bawd Celestina, most illustrious of Spanish rogues, and about her a set of dishonest servants and lights o' love that give place to her alone in vigorous drawing." — Nation.

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AKSAKOV'S CHRONICLES OF A RUSSIAN FAMILY.

Translated by M. C. Beverley. Introduction by

Prince D. S. Mirsky. " It is late in the day to praise the Chronicles after so many have praised it. One had better accept it with gratitude as the finest thing the Broadway Translations have given us, for mirabile dictu ! here is a translator who can translate, who has made the immortal love-story live in pure and convincing English that will, one hopes, make the young Russian lovers as familiar and beloved as Richard Feverel." — " Northern Review."

GESTA ROMANORUM : Monks' Tales. Translated by Charles Swan. Introduction by Dr E. A. Baker. " It is a book that influenced the imagination of Europe, and it can still be read with pleasure, largely on account of its quaintness of incident and moral. It makes an entertaining addition to the excellent series of Broadway Translations."— Robert Lynd, in Daily News. " Few old works have proved a richer mine for the story-teller than the Gesta ; it has never lost its charm." — Westminster Gazette.

A BOOK OF 'CHARACTERS'.' Edited by Richard

Aldington ; with an Introduction and Notes. " Delightfully learned, but extremely entertaining." — Daily Express. " Theophrastus (newly translated), Hall, Overbury, and Earle, are given complete. Breton, Fuller, Butler, I,a Bruyere, Vauvenargues, are fully drawn upon, and some seventy other authors are represented. There has been no indulgence in expurgation. The book is a wonderful collection and presents for the first time a complete view of an extremely prolific branch of English literature. Invaluable." — Birmingham Post.

SIMPLICISSIMUS THE VAGABOND. Translated by A. T. S. Goodrick, M.A. With an Introduction by William Rose, Ph.D. " It is remarkable that English readers should ha%'e had to wait until now for a translation of one of the greatest of German classics. This admirable translation should find a public who, on reading it, may well express their surprise that such an indispensable document, such a readable work of literature, should have been allowed to remain closed to them for so long." — Times Literary Supplement.

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BANDELLO'S TRAGICAL TALES. Translated by Geoffrey Fenton, 1567. Edited and modernized with a Glossary by Hugh Harris, M.A. Introduction by Robert Langton Douglas.

" Bandello's amusing and often risque" tales are here expanded with all the gorgeous rhetoric of the Elizabethan spacious days." — Vogue. " Fenton's Bandello is surely a monument of decorative English prose. What prose in the world can match the Elizabethan for beauty, richness, stateliness, and harmony ? Where else will you find language so pithy, vivid, and

expressive ? Oh, rare Sir Geoffrey Fenton

-Spectator.

LACLOS' DANGEROUS ACQUAINTANCES (Les Liaisons Dangereuses). Translated by Richard Aldington, with an Introduction and Notes.

" A profoundly immoral book. The translation is a really brilliant piece of work." — Weekly Westminster. " A remarkable work of fiction. An age which has tolerated the brutality a La Garconne, and the foul chaos of Ulysses must not make itself ridiculous by throwing stones at Les Liaisons Dangereuses." — Edmund Gosse in Sunday Times. " His two great creations are the arch-intriguers, Valmont and Mme de Merteuil. We are as enthralled by them as if we were forced to watch two surgeons of diabolistic genius at work in an operating theatre. It is this moment which definitely lifts the book to greatness. It is this spectacle of a slow and pitiless fascination which Laclos works up to an almost unbearable pitch." — Times Literary Supplement.

Translated into verse by Wright. Introduction by

MARTIAL'S EPIGRAMS. /. A. Pott and F. A. F. A. Wright.

" There have been many English renderings, partial or complete. Among the latter the handsome volume recently published in the Broadway Translations may be welcomed as taking the first place." — Times Literary Supplement. " Translated with superb success." — R. Ellis Roberts, in Guardian. " For stark realism, for caustic humour, and for cleverness, are not to be matched. The student of history will find them a strange and realistic addition to the conventional history books." — Daily Herald.

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A HUGUENOT FAMILY IN THE XVI CENTURY ;

the Memoirs of Philippe de Mornay, Sieur du

Plessis Marly, written by his wife. Translated by

Lucy Crump, with an Introduction.

These memoirs stand out from the bulk of their kind in Franc e

by reason of their sincerity and intimacy. Early travels, escape

from the St. Bartholomew massacre, capture by pirates, life in

Sedan, England, the Low Countries, the shifting court of

Navarre, this multitudinous variety make of these memoirs

a book apart.

TIBETAN TALES, derived from Indian Sources.

Translated from the Tibetan of the Kahgyur by

F. A. von Schiefner, and from the German into

English by W. R. S. Ralston, M.A. New edition

with a Preface by C. A. F. Rhys Davids, D.Litt.

Tibetan Tales and Buddhist Birth Stories were both originally

published in Trubner's Oriental Series and soon went out of

print. They have now both been reissued in the Broadway

Translations. Through these two books the English reader

may get on speaking terms with the vast dual Bible of Tibet.

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SAPPHO'S COMPLETE WORKS. Greek text with an English verse translation en regard by C. R . Haines, M.A., with an Introduction, Notes, etc. Illustrated. " The object of this edition is to provide not only the student and classical scholar, but also the general public, with a handy comprehensive edition of Sappko, containing all that is so far known about her unique personality and her incomparable poems."— -From the Introduction.

QUEVEDO'S HUMOROUS AND SATIRICAL WORKS. Translated by Sir Roger 1'Estrange, John Stevens, and others. Revised and edited with an Introduction, Notes, and a Version of the ' Life of the Great Rascal ', by Charles Duff. "It is as a satirical and comic writer in prose that Quevedo holds his own, not only with the greatest names in Spanish literature, but in world literature generally. His command of language is extraordinary. The Great Rascal was written by him to achieve two purposes, to produce a masterpiece, and to draw a terrible picture of the absurdity of all vice and rascality. In both objects he succeeded." — From the Introduction.

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